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Supreme Court rejects Trump’s military deployment in Chicago area, for now

The U.S. Supreme Court refused on Tuesday to let Donald Trump send National Guard troops to the Chicago area as the Republican president expands the use of the military for domestic purposes in a growing number of Democratic-led jurisdictions, a ‌policy critics call an effort to punish adversaries and stifle dissent.

The justices denied the Justice Department’s request to lift a judge’s order that has blocked the deployment of hundreds of National Guard personnel in a legal challenge brought by Illinois state officials and local leaders. The department had asked to allow the deployment while the litigation plays out.

The ⁠National Guard serves as state-based militia forces that answer to state governors except when called into federal service ‍by the president.

Trump ordered troops to Chicago, the third-largest U.S. city, and to Portland, Oregon, following his earlier ‍deployments to Los Angeles, Memphis and ‍Washington, DC.

The case has been characterized by starkly different portrayals of the protests against Trump’s aggressive immigration enforcement in and around Chicago.

Trump and his ⁠allies have described Democratic-led cities as lawless, crime-ravaged and plagued with vast, violent protests. His administration has said troops are needed to protect federal property and personnel.

Democratic mayors and governors, along with other Trump critics, have said these claims ​are a false account of the situation and a pretext for sending troops, accusing Trump of abusing his power.

Federal judges have expressed skepticism over the administration’s dire view of protests that local law enforcement officials have called limited in size, largely peaceful and manageable by their own forces – far from the “war zone” conditions described by Trump.

Trump has relied on a law that lets a president deploy state National Guard troops to suppress a rebellion, repel an invasion or if he is “unable with the regular forces to execute the laws of the ⁠United States.”

Illinois and Chicago sued after the administration federalized 300 Illinois National Guard troops and also ordered Texas National Guard troops into the state, calling the actions unlawful. Officials have since announced the administration was sending home hundreds of National Guard troops who were dispatched to Portland from California, and to Chicago from Texas.

Chicago-based U.S. District Judge April Perry temporarily blocked the move on October 9, finding that the claims of violence during protests at an immigration facility in the Chicago suburb of Broadview, Illinois, where a small group of demonstrators had gathered daily for weeks, were unreliable.

Perry, an appointee of Democratic former President Joe Biden, found that there was no evidence of rebellion or that the law was not being enforced, faulting officials for “equating protests with riots and a lack of appreciation for the wide spectrum that exists between citizens who are observing, questioning and criticizing their government, and those who are obstructing, assaulting or doing violence.”

A National Guard deployment would “only add fuel to the fire,” Perry said.

A three-judge panel of the Chicago-based 7th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals declined to lift Perry’s order blocking the deployment, concluding that “the facts do not justify the president’s actions in Illinois.” Two of the three judges were appointed by Republican presidents, including one by ​Trump.

The Justice Department told the Supreme Court that the assessment by local officials of the protests was “implausibly rosy,” and that federal agents “have been forced to operate under the constant threat of mob violence.”

Lawyers for Illinois and Chicago told the justices that the local protests have “never hindered ⁠the continued operation” of the Broadview facility, and that state and local authorities have responded to every request for assistance and contained any sporadic disruption.

Officials from Portland and Oregon are pursuing a separate legal challenge to Trump’s planned deployment to that city. U.S. District Judge Karin Immergut, a Trump appointee, permanently blocked that deployment in a November 7 ruling. The ‍administration has appealed that ruling.

The Supreme Court in October asked the administration as well as Illinois and Chicago to provide written arguments over ‌how to interpret the words “regular forces” in the law ‌at issue in the case.

In an October 10 written ruling, Perry said ‍that historical sources indicate that “regular forces” means only members regularly enlisted in the military, including the Army and Navy, as opposed to the National Guard.

Trump’s administration “made no attempt to rely ‌on the regular forces before resorting to federalization of the National Guard,” Perry said, adding that there are ‍other limits on the use of the military for domestic law enforcement purposes.

The administration repeatedly has sought the Supreme Court’s intervention to allow implementation of Trump policies impeded by lower courts. The Supreme Court, which has a 6-3 conservative majority, has sided with the administration in almost every case that it has been called upon to review since Trump returned to the presidency in January. (JapanToday)

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Dick Cheney, one of the most powerful and polarizing vice presidents in U.S. history, dies at 84

Dick Cheney, the hard-charging conservative who became one of the most powerful and polarizing vice presidents in U.S. history and a leading advocate for the invasion of Iraq, has died at 84.

Cheney died Monday due to complications of pneumonia and cardiac and vascular disease, his family said Tuesday.

The quietly forceful Cheney led the armed forces as defense secretary during the Persian Gulf War under President George H.W. Bush before returning to public life as vice president under Bush’s son George W Bush.

Cheney was, in effect, the chief operating officer of the younger Bush’s presidency. He often had a commanding hand in implementing decisions most important to the president and some of surpassing interest to himself — all while living with decades of heart disease and, post-administration, a heart transplant. Cheney consistently defended the extraordinary tools of surveillance, detention and inquisition employed in response to the Sept. 11, 2001, attacks.

“History will remember him as among the finest public servants of his generation — a patriot who brought integrity, high intelligence, and seriousness of purpose to every position he held,” Bush said.

Years after leaving office, Cheney became a target of President Donald Trump, especially after his daughter Liz Cheney became the leading Republican critic and examiner of Trump’s attempts to stay in power after his 2020 election defeat and his actions in the Jan 6, 2021, Capitol riot.

Cheney said last year he was voting for Democrat Kamala Harris for president against Trump.

For all his conservatism, Cheney was privately and publicly supportive of his daughter Mary Cheney after she came out as gay, years before same-sex marriage was broadly supported. “Freedom means freedom for everyone,” he said.

In his time in office, no longer was the vice presidency merely a ceremonial afterthought. Instead, Cheney made it a network of back channels from which to influence policy on Iraq, terrorism, presidential powers and energy.

A hard-liner on Iraq, Cheney was proved wrong about the rationale for the Iraq War, a point he didn’t acknowledge.

He alleged links between the 9/11 attacks and prewar Iraq that didn’t exist. He said U.S. troops would be welcomed as liberators; they weren’t.

He declared the Iraqi insurgency in its last throes in May 2005, when 1,661 U.S. service members had been killed, not even half the toll by the war’s end.

Cheney and Bush struck an odd bargain, unspoken but well understood. Shelving ambitions he might have had to succeed Bush, Cheney was accorded extraordinary power.

His penchant for secrecy had a price. He came to be seen as a Machiavelli orchestrating a bungled response to criticism of the Iraq War. And when he shot a hunting companion with an errant shotgun blast in 2006, he and his coterie were slow to disclose that episode. The victim, his friend Harry Whittington, recovered and forgave him.

Bush asked Cheney to lead a search for his vice president, eventually deciding the job should go to Cheney himself. Their election in 2000 was ultimately sealed by the Supreme Court after a protracted legal fight.

On Capitol Hill, Cheney lobbied for the president’s programs where he had once served as a deeply conservative member of Congress and the No. 2 Republican House leader.

On Sept. 11, 2001, with Bush out of town, the president gave Cheney approval to authorize the military to shoot down hijacked planes. By then, two airliners had hit the World Trade Center and a third was bearing down on the capital. A Secret Service agent burst into the West Wing room, grabbed Cheney by the belt and shoulder and led him to a bunker underneath the White House.

Cheney’s career in Washington started with a congressional fellowship in 1968. He became a protégé of Rep. Donald Rumsfeld, R-Ill., serving under him in Gerald Ford’s White House before he was elevated to chief of staff, the youngest ever, at age 34.

He later returned to Casper, Wyoming, and won the state’s lone congressional seat, the first of six terms.

In 1989, Cheney became defense secretary and led the Pentagon during the 1990-91 Persian Gulf War. Between the two Bush administrations, Cheney led Dallas-based Halliburton Corp., an oil industry services company.

Cheney was born in Lincoln, Nebraska, son of a longtime Agriculture Department worker. Senior class president and football co-captain in Casper, he went to Yale on a full scholarship for a year but failed out.

He moved back to Wyoming and renewed a relationship with high school sweetheart Lynne Anne Vincent, marrying her in 1964. He is survived by his wife and daughters. (JapanToday)

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White House freezes funds for Democratic states in shutdown slap

President Donald Trump’s administration on Wednesday froze $26 billion for Democratic-leaning states, following through on a threat to use the government shutdown to target Democratic priorities.

The targeted programs included $18 billion for transit projects in New York, home to Congress’s top two Democrats, and $8 billion for green-energy projects in 16 Democratic-run states, including California and Illinois. Vice President JD Vance, meanwhile, warned that the administration might extend its purge of federal workers if the shutdown lasts more than a few days.

The moves made clear that Trump would carry out his threat to take advantage of the shutdown to punish his political opponents and extend his control over the $7 trillion federal budget, established by the U.S. Constitution as the domain of Congress.

The pressure tactics came as the 15th government shutdown since 1981 suspended scientific research, financial oversight, environmental cleanup efforts and a wide range of other activities.

Some 750,000 federal workers were ordered not to work, while others, such as troops and Border Patrol agents, began to work without pay. The Department of Veterans Affairs said it would provide burials at national cemeteries, but would not erect headstones or mow the grass.

Vance said at a White House briefing that the administration would be forced to resort to layoffs if the shutdown lasts more than a few days, adding to the 300,000 who will be pushed out by December. Previous shutdowns have not resulted in permanent layoffs.

The U.S. Patent and Trademark Office said it would lay off 1% of its 14,000 employees, according to an internal letter seen by Reuters.

Hakeem Jeffries, the top Democrat in the House of Representatives, said the funding freeze for subway and harbor projects in his home of New York would throw thousands out of work.

Top Senate Democrat Chuck Schumer, also from New York, said Trump was targeting regular Americans for partisan aims.

“He is using the American people as pawns, threatening pain on the country as blackmail,” Schumer said.

Republican Senator Thom Tillis said he was concerned that the freezing of infrastructure funds for New York could make it harder for Congress to exit the shutdown.

“They need to be really careful with that, because they can create a toxic environment here,” Tillis said. “So hopefully they’re working with the leader, and the leader with them, on not creating more work to get us out of this posture.”

Republican Senate Leader John Thune dismissed concerns that the spending freeze amounted to hostage-taking.

“Well, vote to open up the government and that issue goes away, right? I mean, it’s pretty straightforward,” he said at a press conference.

Meanwhile, the Senate again rejected efforts to keep the government functioning as both a Republican proposal that would fund the government through November 21 and a Democratic vote that would pair funding with additional health benefits failed in floor votes.

Trump’s Republicans hold a 53-47 Senate majority, but they need the support of at least seven of Schumer’s Democrats to meet the chamber’s 60-vote threshold for spending bills.

At issue on the government funding front is $1.7 trillion for agency operations, which amounts to roughly one-quarter of annual spending. Much of the remainder goes to health and retirement programs and interest payments on the growing $37.5 trillion debt.

A bipartisan group of senators huddled on the floor during the vote, trying to find  a path forward.

“I want to see that a deal is a deal, and I would like to see the Republicans make a commitment to work with us on health care,” said Senator Tim Kaine, a Virginia Democrat who represents many federal workers near the nation’s capital. “But I’ve never said that has to be all I’s dotted and T’s crossed because that could be complicated.”

Democrats are also seeking guarantees that Trump will not be able to ignore spending bills he signs into law, as he has repeatedly done since returning to office.

Both sides sought to pin the blame on the other, looking for advantage ahead of the 2026 midterm elections that will determine control of Congress.

Democrats said Republicans were responsible for the disruption, as they control the levers of power in Washington.

Republicans said Democrats were surrendering to partisan pressures to oppose Trump, even though they have routinely backed spending bills in the past. They also repeated a false claim that the Democratic proposal would extend health coverage to people who are in the country illegally. According to the nonpartisan Congressional Budget Office, the Democratic plan would only restore coverage to certain categories of immigrants who are in the country legally, such as asylum seekers and people on work visas.

Several government agencies posted notices on their websites blaming the “radical left” for the shutdown – a possible violation of a law known as the Hatch Act meant to insulate nuts-and-bolts government services from partisan politics.

The longest U.S. government shutdown, which stretched over 35 days in 2018-2019 during Trump’s first term, ended in part after flight delays caused by air traffic controllers calling in sick. (JapanToday)